Tag Archive for 'barack obama'

The Real West Wing, Season 1

I get all verklempt when I watch this. God, I’m such a sucker for Hope.

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The First Time I Read About Obama

An endorsement of Obama

Months before his famous speech at the 2004 Democratic convention, I read about a young Chicago politician facing a rough and tough fight to become only the third black person elected to the United States Senate. The piece, written by the New Yorker’s William Finnegan, made an immediate impression on me. Here was a constitutional law professor who had been the first black editor of the Harvard Law Review, he was clearly intelligent, but even beyond that, everyone agreed that there was something special about him. He was principled, charismatic, a natural leader and a self-professed “legislation nerd” whose main concern seemed to be the most pragmatic way to move legislation in the right direction. We wasn’t an ideologue, he has a man who wanted to get things done.

When I heard that he had been selected to give a keynote address at the Democratic Convention, I was excited to see him speak, and of course I wasn’t disappointed. No one was. No one could have been. I remembered reading this specific bit at the time and thinking how true it must be now:

Jan Schakowsky told me about a recent visit she had made to the White House with a congressional delegation. On her way out, she said, President Bush noticed her “obama” button. “He jumped back, almost literally,” she said. “And I knew what he was thinking. So I reassured him it was Obama, with a ‘b.’ And I explained who he was. The President said, ‘Well, I don’t know him.’ So I just said, ‘You will.’ ”

I’ve often thought about this piece in the last couple of years as Obama made his triumphant run for the Office that Bush holds, but I had never gone back to read it. The New Yorker recently republished the profile on their website and it was just the opportunity I needed. Please take the time to read The Candidate.

One thing that is always mentioned about Obama is his preternatural calm. This is something he would be caught on tape mentioning about himself in preparation for the candidate debates. As reported in Newsweek’s remarkable “How He Did It“, Obama said, “There’s a certain ambivalence in my character that I like about myself. It’s part of what makes me a good writer, you know? It’s not necessarily useful in a presidential campaign.”

This same aspect of his character is mentioned in the New Yorker piece:

People in Illinois seem largely unaware of Obama’s long, annealing trip into their midst, although they often remark on his unusual calm. Now forty-two and a state senator, Obama emerged, in March, from a raucous primary as the Democratic nominee for the United States Senate. In a seven-person field, he received a remarkable fifty-three per cent of the vote—he even won the “collar” counties around Chicago, communities that supposedly would never support a black candidate. And everyone recalls that, as the votes were being tallied at his headquarters on Election Night, he seemed to be the least agitated person in the place.

That’s exactly the sort of guy I want handling the financial crisis, or the three am phone call.

Here’s another thing I liked about him at the time: While he had his problems with NAFTA, he clearly understood the upside of trade. Finnegan writes:

He mostly told the union men what they wanted to hear. Then he said, “There’s nobody in this room who doesn’t believe in free trade,” which provoked a small recoil. These men were ardent protectionists. A little later, he said, with conviction, “I want India and China to succeed”—a sentiment not much heard in the outsourcing-battered heartland. He went on, however, to criticize Washington and Wall Street for not looking after American workers.

Later, I asked him if he wasn’t waving a red flag in front of labor by talking about free trade. “Look, those guys are all wearing Nike shoes and buying Pioneer stereos,” he said. “They don’t want the borders closed. They just don’t want their communities destroyed.”

David Axelrod makes a couple of appearances in the piece. This, of course, was long before I had any idea who David Alexrod was:

“He could have gone to the most opulent of law firms,” David Axelrod, a longtime friend who is now Obama’s media adviser, said. “After Harvard, Obama could have done anything he wanted.” What he wanted was to practice civil-rights law in Chicago, and he did, representing victims of housing and employment discrimination and working on voting-rights legislation for a small public-interest firm.

One thing that was played up in this piece that I didn’t hear about in either the primaries or the general election is that Obama is not the typical product of the Chicago political machine. If anything, he is a testament to the fading power of that machine.

To an outsider with only the broadest idea of Chicago politics, Obama’s victory in the Democratic primary actually looked like a victory over cynicism. He had not slimed his opponents. Nor was he the candidate of the fabled local machine—that was Dan Hynes, the state’s comptroller, who comes from a powerful Illinois political family. Precinct captains and party organizations and old-line labor unions (most of the Teamsters, the A.F.L.-C.I.O.) had supported Hynes. The machine, however, is an outdated conceit. “A few creaky parts still work,” David Axelrod told me. “They can still elect a few water commissioners or sub-circuit-level judges. But no precinct captain can tell people how to vote for President or the Senate.”

And here was the money-shot for me: Obama comparing a good piece of legislation to great writing or great music:

Obama seems to be a true legislation nerd. When he talks about the maneuvering it took to line up the state’s prosecutors behind the videotape bill, and to keep the police associations neutral, his eyes narrow in pleasure. “You can’t always come up with the optimal solution, but you can usually come up with a better solution,” he said over lunch one afternoon. “A good compromise, a good piece of legislation, is like a good sentence.” He nodded. Miles Davis’s “Kind of Blue” was playing in the background. “Or a good piece of music,” he said. “Everybody can recognize it. They say, ‘Huh. It works. It makes sense.’ That doesn’t happen too often, of course, but it happens.”

In a short entry that accompanied the republication of this piece on the website, William Finnegan talks about why he left out talk of Obama having the talent to become the first black President.

What I didn’t include was something else Schakowsky said. “I think he’s got it,” she told me. “He can go the distance. He could be the first black President.” The quote was too bald, too broad, too bannerlike. Lots of other people in Illinois, including some Republicans, talked up Obama’s extraordinary promise, his possible future on the national stage, and I did use some of those remarks. But just coming out and saying “first black President” felt not only absurdly premature but like bad juju.

I guess we can all be happy that no bad juju got released.

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Move Over will.i.am

There’s a new king of the Barack Obama tribute music video genre, MC Yogi.


Obama ‘08 - Vote For Hope from MC Yogi on Vimeo.

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Unschooling, Poverty Tips, Obama’s Millions & Our Precious Economy

Lively Links for Monday, Oct. 20, 2008

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Save Us Warren Buffett, You’re Our Only Hope

Warren Buffett speaking to a group of students...

Warren Buffett is everywhere these days. In fact, he’s behind you right now. Boo!

First there was The Snowball a 1,000-page authorized biography that was just released. (Portfolio is reviewing it section-by-section for those of us who can’t dedicate that sort of time to the project. They’re mostly unimpressed, so far. With the writing, of course, not with Buffett.)

Then Buffett, stepped in to help shore up Goldman Sachs and General Electric to the tune of $8 billon. Next, there was John McCain, bringing up Buffett’s name on Tuesday night as a possible choice for Treasury Secretary, and going out of his way to remind everyone that Buffett is an Obama supporter. Now, articles like this piece in Slate by Daniel Gross comparing Buffett’s actions today with J.P. Morgan’s actions in 1907 and this piece by Steve Lohr in the New York Times which makes the same point, have started to pop up.

It would be nice to think that one man really could do something about the current crisis, but that’s just not the case this time around. The problems today are a lot bigger than the situation in 1907, and Buffett doesn’t have nearly the comparitive wealth or sway that Morgan had at the time. As a voice of reason in frightening times, however, he does serve us well.

Buffett’s conversation with Charlie Rose, as mentioned in the Times piece, is worth watching in its entirety. Buffett compares the current crisis with Pearl Harbor and suggests that government action on the same scale is needed to respond. He loves Paulson, loves the Bailout, and sees opportunity where everyone else sees disaster. He thinks that, long-term, buying up distressed assets will be a money-maker. In fact, he’d like a piece of the action, and if there’s anyone who knows something about making money over the long term, it’s Buffett. As always, his credo is: “Be fearful when others are greedy and greedy when others are fearful.” The best thing we can do right now is keep that in mind.

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The Amazing Adventures of Chabon & Obama

Photograph of author Michael Chabon at a book ...

In the days leading up to Super Tuesday, Michael Chabon wrote one of the most lyric and powerful defences of a politician I have ever read.  Obama vs. the Phobocracy, though it was written only a few months ago, feels like it belongs to an earlier time. Reading it again today reminds me of the hope that Obama’s candidacy truly represents. Before we got bogged down in the day-to-day sniping and histrionics of this campaign, before hatred of Sarah Palin seemed to dominate the discussion, before the constant mocking of McCain’s age, we had the simple luxury of being able to imagine what it would be like to have a President like Barack Obama. The main question at that time was whether we were ready to let ourselves believe, or whether we would let fear win the day; fear of “the other,” fear of losing yet again, and most powerfully: fear of our own disappointment.

Well, Obama won the nomination and we moved on to a new phase of the campaign. Inevitably, there were disappointments along the way. It’s hard for anyone to remain perfect in our eyes. That first blush of love must wear off as we get to know the real man in whom all of our hope was invested. Even for us progressives, the most wide-eyed Obama supporters, by the time of the Democratic National Convention, this race had become less about Hope than it was about Winning.

Michael Chabon’s wife, Ayelet Waldman, was an Obama delegate to the convention and he tagged along for the ride. The experience as Chabon has written it up in The New York Review of Books, in a piece called Obama & the Conquest of Denver, manages to capture the exhilaration of this moment in history, even given the realities of a long and difficult campaign. Chabon acknowledges the fact that Obama has been a little bit tarnished by the race so far, but he concludes that the candidate has comported himself with as much honour as could be expected and that he has revealed himself to be that which he has always claimed to be: a principled, but pragmatic man.

No major writer at the moment confesses such a debt to genre fiction as Chabon does, and he starts off describing the convention as though it was some combination of scenes from Dune and The Lord of the Rings.

It was [...] like the change that might occur between the first and second volumes of some spectacular science fiction fantasy epic. At the end of the first volume, after bitter struggle, Obama had claimed the presumptive nomination. We Fremen had done the impossible, against Sardaukar and imperial shock troops alike. We had brought water to Arrakis. Now the gathered tribes of the Democratic Party—hacks, Teamsters, hat ladies, New Mexicans, residents of those states most nearly resembling Canada, Jews of South Florida, dreadlocks, crewcuts, elderlies and goths, a cowboy or two, sons and daughters of interned Japanese-Americans—had assembled on the plains of Denver to attempt to vanquish old Saruman McCain. Suddenly it was hard not to feel that we were, once again, teetering on the point of something momentous, but something different than the previous momentousness.

There is some spectacular writing here. This is Chabon describing the concelebratory nature and mass nostalgia of the whole event:

There was a daily mass recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance. Everyone stood up—on the last night, Obama Night, tens of thousands stood up, and put their hands over their hearts, and said the magic word, indivisible. I was a little self-conscious about doing that, at first, but found that I still remembered the words perfectly, and it was like singing “Take Me Out to the Ball Game” at the seventh-inning stretch, an act of collective recollection of the past, of a time when people routinely stood up and sang together, stood up to recite pledges, credos, oaths, poems. The entire party convention is a collective act of that kind. It’s a throwback, a holdover, a relic, like baseball. It’s also, weirdly, a formal, public celebration of spoken language, a kind of political eisteddfod.

Wonderful word that: eisteddfod. I had to look it up.

If I have a complaint about this piece, it’s that Chabon simply can’t let the baseball analogies go. Here he is on the impossible expectations of Obama’s acceptance speech:

Like everyone, I found myself wondering about the speech that he was going to give on Thursday night. Everyone seemed to agree, employing another term from the approved glossary of bromides, that his speech needed to be “a home run.” Obama needed to “hit it out of the park.” But that was not quite the honest truth. We needed Obama to hit it out of the park. That was what we had drafted him to do. He was our hottest prospect in a very long time. Everything we hoped for in the grandstands he would carry to that podium on his shoulders. And that was why I had come to Denver: to add my little featherweight of hope to his burden.

The Republican Convention was dominated by mocking attacks at Obama, with very little room, it seemed to me, given to the ideals that the conservative movement is based upon. It was nice to be reminded in Chabon’s piece of some of the truly wonderful moments of the DNC:

At one point (Bill Clinton) said, “Barack Obama knows that America cannot be strong abroad unless we are first strong at home. People the world over have always been more impressed by the power of our example than by the example of our power,” and I felt, for the only time before Stevie Wonder sat down behind his keyboard on Thursday night and started in on “Signed, Sealed, Delivered,” something of the shiver of pleasure that artistry induces. Only Obama and Governor Brian Schweitzer of Montana on Tuesday night, who abandoned his prepared and vetted speech for a skylarking series of off-the-cuff remarks, managed to pull off the same difficult trick of sounding, while engaging in oratory, like he was putting his genuine beliefs into the only form, the only words, that truly suited them.

There has never been a more highly anticipated political speech than the one that would wrap up the convention. Surely there have been speeches that were more watched, and there have definitely been speeches that were more important, but there has ever been another speech where so many people were expecting to witness greatness from a speaker.

But I still had not heard what I had come to hear, what we had all come to hear, the speech of a lifetime (to date) by the greatest orator of his generation. One of the things that had served to discourage me over the course of the primary season was a general acceptance of the premise that oratory was a specious, feckless, inherently untrustworthy art. The Obama camp would rightly dispute the charge of offering only “pretty words,” but they never seemed to argue the larger truth: that ultimately words were all we had; that writing and oratory, argument and persuasion, were the root of democracy; that words can kill, or save us; something along those lines. “You can only say what you can first imagine,” as I heard Tobias Wolff (the short-story master, not the Obama campaign adviser) explain to a group of people at an Obama fund-raiser. It was a mark of Obama’s fitness to lead, to me at least, that he possessed sufficient natural reserves of imagination to kick oratorical ass.

Because of the expectations, there was no way that the speech could fail to disappoint, at least a little bit. There was simply too much work to be done in the speech (outlining specifics, appealing to undecided voters, reassuring Americans that he was really one of them) to allow room for a truly great speech from beginning to end. There were great moments, and there has never been a better performer, and the last 15 minutes of the speech were truly wonderful. Ultimately though, it was what the speech represented, more than the speech itself, that mattered. Chabon writes:

Over the years my hometown of Columbia lost its vision and became divided by lines of race and class and religion. The candidate who promised to try to remake our politics had yet to fulfill his goal. He might fail. But promises, I thought, were like speeches; if you didn’t make them, you would never be able to imagine the better world that they implied.

In the end, the notion of that better world is what matters so much about this election to me. I understand the pragmatic arguments that McCain supporters make. I can even recognize the fact that Obama’s resume might seem thin to some people. I suppose I can even make peace with the fear of the unknown and that will drive some voters away from him. Ultimately though, I just don’t understand how people can resist the hope of a better future that only Obama could possibly deliver. Even if he fails, even if all the hope turns out to have been false, it will have been worth it just to try, just to have that moment when the problems of the world seem solvable.

After Obama vs. the Phobocracy and Obama and the Conquest of Denver, I cannot wait for the third installment of the great Chabon/Obama trilogy, hopefully to be titled: Barack Obama in “Raiders of the Lost Constitution”

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Keeping America’s Shitty Jobs at Home

One thing that disappoints me about every politician I like is their unswerving devotion to populist trade policies. Here’s that I want in a politician:

  1. Someone who understands that free trade helps everyone, rich and poor alike
  2. Someone who understands that it is alright for jobs to go whereever labour is cheapest
  3. Someone who also believes that we should also have terrific social programs at home and a first-rate education for everyone
  4. Someone who doesn’t think that their morals or family values are superior to anyone else’s

I guess you could say, I’m looking for someone who combines all the best aspects of socialism, libertarianism and capitalism all in one package. Is this too much to ask? In the meantime, Go Obama.


Obama Promises To Stop America’s Shitty Jobs From Going Overseas

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Obama meets Bartlet

Josiah Bartlet

I love Aaron Sorkin. I’m a sucker for everything he does. My friends and I quote from The American President freely and at length. I think The West Wing is the greatest television show that’s ever been a television show. Hell, I just bought Studio 60 on DVD.

So, imagine my delight when I learned that Maureen Dowd asked Sorkin to write up a hypothetical meeting between Barack Obama and Jed Bartlet.

This is how it starts:

BARACK OBAMA knocks on the front door of a 300-year-old New Hampshire farmhouse while his Secret Service detail waits in the driveway. The door opens and OBAMA is standing face to face with former President JED BARTLET.

BARTLET Senator.

OBAMA Mr. President.

BARTLET You seem startled.

OBAMA I didn’t expect you to answer the door yourself.

BARTLET I didn’t expect you to be getting beat by John McCain and a Lancôme rep who thinks “The Flintstones” was based on a true story, so let’s call it even.

OBAMA Yes, sir.

BARTLET Come on in.

Visit Dowd’s page at the New York Times for the rest. It’s well worth the read. (Thanks for the email on this, Shuman!)

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John McCain Approved This Message

How surprising is it that John McCain, war hero, maverick, man of principle, is taking the low road in this election? Not surprising at all. He has no other choice. This is from Drew Westen, a professor of psychology at Emory University and author of The Political Brain.

With all that stacked against him, the only road that could take McCain to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue is the low road, one of the few pieces of infrastructure left in good repair by President Bush. His father paved it against Michael Dukakis, George W. Bush repaved it running against John Kerry, and the GOP repainted the dotted line in now-Senator Bob Corker’s 2006 contest with Harold Ford. The path to success for McCain is to make the election a referendum on his opponent, by working in silent concert with 527 groups and media outlets such as Fox News to pursue character assassination, guilt by association, and, most of all, the effort to paint Obama as different, foreign, unlike “us,” and dangerous (and did I mention that he’s black?).

That’s from a piece Dr. Westen published in The New Republic over two months ago, but it stuck with me ever since. Westen also maintains a semi-regular blog at the Huffington Post.

It saddens me that McCain has been reduced to taking the low road. The only thing sadder will be if it works.

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